Return-Path: Received: from hotmail.com ([209.185.241.144]) by mailin05.sul.t-online.com with esmtp id 13dbqj-2HqU9gC; Mon, 25 Sep 2000 19:15:29 +0200 Received: from mail pickup service by hotmail.com with Microsoft SMTPSVC; Mon, 25 Sep 2000 10:15:21 -0700 Received: from 195.50.140.126 by lw3fd.law3.hotmail.msn.com with HTTP; Mon, 25 Sep 2000 17:15:20 GMT X-Originating-IP: [195.50.140.126] From: "georg warning" To: m_johann@hotmail.com, nzz@co.ru, jgasiecki@nbnet.de, dreger@taz.de, jdonker@worldonline.nl, briheu@zedat.fu-berlin.de, turkinst@zedat.fu-berlin.de, lutz.rzehak@rz.hu-berlin.de, HerbKrill@compuserve.com, StErfen@aol.com, administration@biost.de, doihh@uni-hamburg.de, pmh@turk.net, ute.einsporn@skzl.verwalt-berlin.de, h.hermann@wunsch.com, cwik@zedat.fu-berlin.de, poststelle@auswaertiges-amt.de, posteingang@bmi.bund400.de, susannefrost@firemail.de, BRAHR@bloomberg.net, mmurphy@pri.org.uk, myriam.schippers@stud.lrz-muenchen.de, redaktion@owc.de, bert.fragner@split.uni-bamberg.de, bayram@wanadoo.fr, ceyildirim@sozjur.uni-bielefeld.de, as-e-4@auswaertiges-amt.de, hicral@bluewin.ch, spichler@crisisweb.org, simorgh@gewi.kfunigraz.ac.at, zdwf-@t-online.de Subject: Usbekistan Religionsfreiheit Date: Mon, 25 Sep 2000 17:15:20 GMT Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowed Message-ID: X-OriginalArrivalTime: 25 Sep 2000 17:15:21.0385 (UTC) FILETIME=[2F5D5990:01C02714] The post-Soviet governments of the newly independent states of Central Asia, among them Uzbekistan, are engaged in massive repression of civil and religious liberties ... and the US State Department, eager to cultivate good relations with the new-old set of tyrants who rule these resource-rich and strategic new countries, is more than willing to make up excuses for this repression. Below you will find a Statement of Human Rights Watch researcher Acacia Shield. ERK Democratic Party ====================================================================== U.S. House of Representatives Committee on International Relations Subcommittee on International Operations and Human Rights Statement of Acacia Shields Uzbekistan Researcher Human Rights Watch September 7, 2000 Hearing on "The State Department Annual Report on International Religious Freedom for 2000" I would like to express my appreciation for this opportunity to speak before the Subcommittee about the repression of religious freedom in Uzbekistan. My name is Acacia Shields and I am the Uzbekistan researcher for Human Rights Watch, based in Tashkent. Human Rights Watch has investigated violations of civil and political rights in Central Asia since 1990, and we have had a field office in Uzbekistan since 1996. For the last year and a half, I have headed that field office. I have spent these last 18 months investigating religious repression in Uzbekistan and carefully documenting hundreds of cases of religiously motivated arrests, detention and torture of believers, and other forms of discrimination and harassment. I have interviewed hundreds of victims and relatives of victims of religious discrimination, and again am profoundly grateful to the subcommittee for this opportunity to bring their stories to you, and to comment on the way in which this campaign of repression is treated in this year's State Department Annual Report on International Religious Freedom for 2000. The IRF Report While this year has seen at least two dramatic and disturbing attacks on Christian believers and several detentions of Christians for alleged missionary activity, one of which was documented in the State Department's report, the problem of religious repression in Uzbekistan is first and foremost a problem of government-ordered discrimination and violence against pious Muslims on a vast scale. Since late 1997, Uzbek police and security forces have arrested thousands of pious Muslims. These arrests are illegal and discriminatory: they target people who belong to unregistered Islamic groups, who practice outside state-controlled mosques, or who possess Islamic literature not generated by the government. Police routinely torture and threaten detainees, deny them access to medical treatment and legal counsel, and often hold them incommunicado in basement cells for up to six months. Trials are grossly unfair, as judges systematically punish independent Muslims with lengthy terms in prison for their religious beliefs and affiliations, ignoring allegations of torture, and allowing coerced self-incriminating statements as evidence, often the only offered evidence, to convict. This year's IRF report recognizes neither the anti-religious nature of this repression, nor the human rights crisis it has produced. It argues that victims are engaged in activity that is primarily political, and therefore that Uzbekistan cannot be said to be violating the victim's religious freedom. We believe this position is misguided. We do not believe the government of Uzbekistan has made improvements that merit credit, as the report suggests. We are calling for the President to classify Uzbekistan as a country of particular concern for religious freedom and adopt appropriate measures, as foreseen by the International Religious Freedom Act. This campaign of repression based on religious beliefs and practices is blatant and irrefutable. Government statements articulating the state's intolerance for certain Islamic practices and beliefs are clear and a matter of public record. Policies restricting and forbidding certain religious practices and activities are encoded in law. A 1998 law on Freedom of Conscience banned all religious activity not registered with the state. The law also outlawed proselytizing and religious dress in public. The arrest and conviction of thousands of independent Muslims is now well-documented. In addition to having conducted hundreds of victim and witness interviews, Human Rights Watch has monitored dozens of trials and obtained official court documents for several hundred additional cases. The majority of indictments and judicial verdicts state clearly that the basis for the charges and convictions is their religious practice and beliefs, which the state construes as evidence of anti-state activity and attempt to overthrow the constitutional order. These practices include participating in unsanctioned prayer groups, or conducting private religious teaching; membership in an unregistered Islamic organization, or possession or distribution of literature of such an organization alone is grounds for lengthy prison sentences. Some pious Muslims have been convicted on charges of anti-constitutional activity for agreeing with the beliefs expressed by banned Islamic groups, even if they were not members and did not possess the group's literature. That such convictions constitute violations of the right to freedom of conscience is beyond question. Only sophistry has allowed the Administration to avoid classifying Uzbekistan as a country of particular concern for its gross violations of religious freedom. The IRF report would have us accept the Uzbek government's own characterizations of those it arrests and tortures. Uzbekistan "does not consider repression of these groups to be a matter of religious freedom, but instead to be directed against those who oppose the political order." Therefore, according to the Administration, this repression, while it deeply violates human rights, cannot be called anti-religious. But let us not forget authoritarian governments everywhere -- including those countries which the U.S. has deemed "of particular concern" -- are threatened by the commitment to truth and justice which independent religious movements display. In China and Iraq, the fact that the governments perceive oppressed religious groups as a political threat has not led the U.S. to dismiss the anti-religious nature of their repression. The State Department's International Religious Freedom report also creates a false distinction between "moderate" Muslims, whom it defines as those who participate in government-run religious activities, and those who "operate outside the state-run Muslim hierarchy." The Uzbek government, it argues, supports the former but is intolerant of the latter. In fact, a "moderate" Muslim may practice within and beyond state-run Muslim structures. The term "moderate" is also misleading, especially if it is taken to mean "non-violent." The overwhelming majority of pious Muslims convicted for illegal religious activity or supposed anti-state activity committed no act of violence and faced no such charges. It is their religious affiliation or belief that brands them "enemies of the state," not any purported violent acts. Members of Hizb ut-Tahrir have stated repeatedly and categorically in interviews with me, in courtroom testimony, and in written documents, that they oppose the use of violence and consider the timing of the establishment of a Caliphate to depend on the will of their God. Finally, the International Religious Freedom report gives credit for Uzbekistan's progress, when in fact none is due. Its discussion of positive improvements, for instance, cites the release of six Christians last year, prior to the release of the 1999 International Religious Freedom report, a move that we see as a calculated effort to avoid designation as a country of particular concern and to distract the administration from the lack of progress in the treatment of Muslims. Religious Repression against Independent Muslims in Uzbekistan The government's campaign against pious and independent Muslims, those who practice outside of state-sanctioned Islam and Islamic institutions, began, in its current form, in late 1997. Following the murders of several police officers in Namangan, in the Ferghana Valley area, the government launched a massive crackdown on overtly pious Muslims. Police and security forces took men with beards directly off the streets, forced some to shave and arrested others on fabricated charges of possession of narcotics or several bullets. Followers of well-known independent religious leaders who criticized government policies or failed to praise the government during their religious services were rounded up, arrested, and convicted on trumped-up charges. The situation took a dramatic turn from bad to worse when Tashkent, the capital, was rocked by several bomb explosions in February 1999. The government immediately blamed "Islamic extremists" and security forces were given carte blanche to use any and all means to round up these so-called enemies of the state. Again, police planted narcotics and, increasingly, banned religious literature, on independent Muslims to justify the initial arrest. Brutal police interrogations routinely centered solely on detainees' religious beliefs and affiliations and courts ultimately convicted the men on this basis. The arrests and convictions have continued in the year 2000 at an alarming rate. Contrary to the contention in this year's International Religious Freedom report that the majority of detainees were subsequently released, our investigations have found that very few alleged releases of Muslims could be confirmed. Several of those well-known pious Muslims whose releases were confirmed have, unfortunately, been rearrested this year. One of them, Imam Abduwahid Yuldashev, is described below. The government's tactics in this campaign recalls some of the worst moments of the Soviet era: It has created a climate of suspicion and fear, in which neighbors inform on one another, mothers turn their sons over to police, and local authorities organize "hate rallies," in which police, government leaders and neighbors publicly denounce pious Muslims and their relatives as "enemies of the state." Family members are detained and even arrested by police. They are held hostage by authorities, who state outright that until their relatives are arrested, these mothers, fathers and other loved ones will sit in jail. In at least one case, the father of severa overtly pious young men who were sought by police was arrested and jailed on false charges as punishment for his sons' beliefs. This father, Azim Khodjaev, was tortured to death in jail and his body was returned to his family last year. This year, two of his sons were arrested: one was sentenced to death and another is awaiting trial. Women are often detained and threatened with rape in front of their husbands or sons in order to coerce the men to make self-incriminating statements. This happened to Darmon Sultanova, who met with Ambassador Seiple during his last visit to Uzbekistan. She recalled in that meeting how police came to her home and asked who in the family studied Koran and how many times a day they prayed. The officers arrested Sultanova's sons, Uigun and Oibek Ruzmetov on charges of "Wahhabism" and detained Sultanova and her husband. Police stripped the elderly woman naked and handcuffed her to a radiator in a basement cell. They brought in her sons, beaten and bloody, and threatened to rape the young men's mother if they did not confess to a range of charges, including membership in an illegal religious group and participation in several unsolved murders throughout the country. The young men signed the police statements. Uigun and Oibek Ruzmetov's mother was then released, only to be held under armed house arrest for the next 40 days. One officer threatened, "You are a Wahhabi and so is your daughter and we will shoot you all. None of you will be left alive." Their 65-year-old father, Sarvar Ruzmetov, who was also severely beaten by police, was convicted without legal counsel on spurious charges of narcotics possession and is still in prison today. Uigun and Oibek Ruzmetov recounted their ordeal at trial and declared their innocence, but the judge did not investigate the charges of police abuse, and, declaring that the young men had taken part in "forbidden activities of a reactionary underground religious organization of Wahhabists,'" found them guilty on charges of murder, weapons possession and illegal religious activities and sentenced the young men to death. Darmon Sultanova received official documentation that the execution of her two sons by firing squad has been carried out. Another defendant on trial with the Ruzmetov brothers, Shohnazar Yakubov, was reported this year to have died from police torture in prison. He was 25 years old. The Case of Imam Yuldashev I would like to share one other case with you that is illustrative of the type of wrongful arrest of pious Muslims being carried out by Uzbek security forces today. Imam Abduwahid Yuldashev was deputy to an outspoken and independent- minded religious leader, Obidhon Nazarov, who has since fallen afoul of the Uzbek government. Nazarov is believed to have fled the country, but his two brothers and two other relatives have been imprisoned in his place. Estimated hundreds of his former students and young men who attended his mosque have also been sent to jail. Yuldashev, was also the leader of an official, registered mosque. In February 1999, police called him out of the mosque one day after prayers, put him in handcuffs, and planted narcotics in his pocket. At trial, Yuldashev denied the drugs charges and described how police beat him brutally in detention. His attorney, who was allowed to meet with him only once during his detention, was witness to the bruises and other signs of physical mistreatment dealt out to him by police and also spoke of this in court. The court ignored the charges of physical abuse and sentenced the imam to four and a half years in prison. Yuldashev was, however, released on appeal shortly before the publication of last year's International Religious Freedom report. This release was lauded by State Department officials as a sign of progress. However, this is not the whole story. After authorities released Yuldashev, they still required him to report every week to his local police station to sign a document regarding not the alleged narcotics charges, but his religious beliefs, stating: "I, Abduwahid Yuldashev, am not a member of any religious sect and do not approve of these sects." Most worrying, Imam Yuldashev has met the same fate as many others who were released in anticipation of the publication of the Religious Freedom report last year, he has been re-arrested. This time, authorities, who arrested him on July 24, have charged him with "Wahhabism" and "spreading jihad ideas." This time, they have denied him access to a lawyer. After he was forced to reject his family attorney, his relatives hired a new one. This lawyer saw him for several minutes and reported that Yuldashev was covered with bruises and welts. In the presence of this lawyer, guards beat the imam with a nightstick and demanded that he reject legal counsel. Yuldashev is today languishing in his second month of incommunicado detention in the basement of the Ministry of Internal Affairs building in Tashkent, without access to legal representation or medical treatment. Another former imam, Abdurahim Abdurahmanov, was also re-arrested this year and sentenced to 17 years in prison on charges of anti-state activities. There are many others like him. Just yesterday, on September 6, 15 men charged with membership in Hizb ut-Tahrir were sentenced to prison terms ranging from 12 to 16 years. They were charged also with possession of banned religious literature, including a leaflet ironically titled, "Uzbekistan's authorities are against Muslim beliefs." I received letters from the men while they were in detention, letters in which they describe how police sodomized them with bottles and nightsticks, raped them, and beat them in the kidneys, on the bottoms of their feet, and on their heads with truncheons and metal bars to the point where some lost consciousness; all this in order to force them to give testimony against each other and admit to the supposed crime of membership in an unregistered religious group. These men stood up and made these same allegations at trial, but the court ignored them. We cannot. U.S. Policy This year's State Department report on international religious freedom notes the efforts made by the U.S. to remind Uzbekistan of its obligation to respect freedom of conscience, to differentiate between terrorists and peaceful Muslim believers. But this message is not getting through. Visiting U.S. officials have raised concerns, issued demarches on specific cases, and pressed for changes in the domestic laws. But the government of Uzbekistan has only intensified its campaign against observant and independent Muslims and the condition of religious freedom has only deteriorated. More must be done. As you know, the International Religious Freedom Act was designed in part to ensure a clear and consistent U.S. policy on freedom of religion. Unfortunately, this is not the case with respect to Uzbekistan. While the Uzbek government sometimes receives sharp criticism from US officials, it also received estimated $30 million in U.S. assistance in 1999. Since 1995, Uzbekistan also received $980 million in credits from the US Export-Import Bank. Awarding this kind of privilege and benefit in the face of egregious violations of religious freedom turns legitimate human rights concerns into victims of 'wink and nod' politics. It casts doubt on the United States' commitment to religious freedom and gives abuser states such as Uzbekistan the impression that they can carry on with repressive policies and still profit. Conclusion Uzbekistan is in a profound human rights crisis, at the center of which is religious persecution. The administration should abide by its legislative obligations, and designate Uzbekistan as a country of particular concern for religious freedom. And the measures specified under the International Religious Freedom Act, including denial of Export- Import Bank and OPIC credits and imposition of sanctions, should be implemented. ERK Demokratik partisinin Web sayfasi http://www.uzbekistanerk.org To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to: erkinfo-unsubscribe@egroups.com _________________________________________________________________________ Get Your Private, Free E-mail from MSN Hotmail at http://www.hotmail.com. Share information about yourself, create your own public profile at http://profiles.msn.com.